From Johor to Sarawak: how are roles, contacts and expansion described?

In the same collection of material, one side uses “national secretary-general”; another uses “chief diplomacy” and “PR”. From Johor to Sarawak, the list of places grows, and so does the list of roles. But who answers to whom? The material supplies no complete chain of command.

Start with what is visible.

KSRM's national account biography lists Kulai, Kota Tinggi, Pontian, Kluang, Bandar Putra, Muar and Kuantan. A row of place names looks like a territory. Understanding how each location operates takes more reading.

Kulai has the densest public record: school donations, charity banquets and a vehicle presented to a volunteer fire brigade. September 2025 banquet reporting also mentions a groundbreaking for the new national clubhouse in Indahpura on 9 July that year.

Public activities accompany the start of work on a fixed venue. A groundbreaking report, however, is not a completion certificate. A shovel hitting the ground does not mean the doors have opened.

The Bandar Putra connection appears between accounts. Local account @265ksrm uses KSRM's Chinese and Malay names, 265 and 義南閣 branding, and tags the national account. The national account, in turn, lists Bandar Putra. This mutual public reference is more specific than two similar signs.

Muar goes further. August 2026 reporting explicitly identifies a “Muar branch”, names 郑锦发 as chairman and 郭义健 as national secretary-general, and records a clubhouse opening on 17 May. Local leadership, a national office and a venue meet in the reporting.

Kota Tinggi, Pontian and Kluang also appear in the account's list, but the material varies in depth. Kota Tinggi has associated Zi Yun Ge dragon-and-lion troupe activity; social posts use “居銮265”. These are leads, not equally complete sets of branch papers, officers and clubhouse records for every location.

Public events use the familiar language of associations.

Fam Chee Way is called founder. 郭义健 appears as organising chairman in 2025 material and national secretary-general in 2026 reporting. A donation caption identifies 张柯丽 as national-club treasurer. 郑锦发 chairs the Muar branch. 陈金福, 黄永福 and 刘汉明 appear through event-chair roles, honorary positions or representation of the club at activities.

Those titles establish the capacity in which someone appeared. They do not establish approval powers or subordination by the length of the title. An event chairman is not automatically a national chairman; an honorary adviser is not a mandate to sign off every operation.

Turn to @Sg265alibaba and another set of role labels appears.

A video published by the channel on 22 July 2024 labels PANG QI SHENG, 阿胜, “Senai理事人” and NG YU XUAN, 阿废, “古来小班理事人”. Another graphic, headed “义南阁265头马以及主要干部”, lists 阿弟, 小BEE/范志勇, 刘顺贤, 肥YAP and 啊KENT.

The video's author associates 阿弟 and 小BEE with “gang activities”; labels 刘顺贤 the person managing smuggled cigarettes and alcohol; and labels 肥YAP and 啊KENT “chief diplomacy” and “diplomacy” for those goods respectively.

In the channel's account, local affairs, activities, business management and external contacts have distinct roles. Its picture goes beyond who stands on a stage to who is alleged to handle which operation.

Yet the graphic does not explain how a “小班” is organised or say that “chief diplomacy” directly supervises another “diplomacy” role. Does 阿废 report to 阿胜? To whom do the external-contact figures report? The available material does not complete those links.

The easiest thing to add to a chart is an arrow. It is also the last thing that should be supplied by imagination.

Names must remain distinct too. 范志勇 is not 范志伟; 刘顺贤 is not 刘汉明. Being labelled a manager does not automatically make someone a company owner.

In Sarawak, the channel material shifts towards PR, local contacts and operating locations.

A submission dated 29 October 2024 says John, William, David, AhMeng and AhBoy are multiple names for one person. A screenshot labels him “Alibaba Main PR in Sarawak” and mentions links with a Miri police figure. Under that submission's account, this is one person with several names, not five PR figures.

A separate Mukah submission labels “PR MUKAH _ LUIS.” and links him to online gambling and cockfighting. Both places have a PR label, but the material does not establish that John supervises LUIS or that either is appointed under Johor's “chief diplomacy”.

PR and “diplomacy” both appear to concern external relations in these accounts. Roles can overlap: a channel submission about Sibu calls Hii Lu Kwong/Siao Di both a local leader and PR. Who combines which roles depends on the material; PR cannot simply be assigned to the bottom tier in advance.

Each city has its own leads.

Miri material mentions Lusut, Ah Tun and entertainment-venue complaints. A Stampin, Kuching cockfighting submission names Jacky as organiser and PR. A January 2025 post lists responsibilities including venue keeper, referee and “PANGGIL AYAM”. The channel describes particular tasks, not merely a string of names.

Sibu/Kanowit material names Taugeh. The original screenshot says “Jln sibu/Kanowit” and Sibu; another document mentioning Kuching cannot relocate him there. Bintulu submissions link Ting Qing Lee with frozen goods and cigarette-business claims. The Johnny Pang mentioned there must remain separate from Dato Pang Kong Hong.

How do all these places connect back to Dato Ben?

In a post dated 17 November 2024, the channel directly links Dato Ben, Liu and Pang with Sarawak's alleged “blue shops” and associated businesses. This is a connection made by the source itself, rather than several names placed on one page by an editor.

It remains a channel allegation. That statement cannot put every blue shop sign in Sarawak under one organisation.

Other links involve the movement of people and activities. Submissions mention venue relocation and say participants from Miri, Bintulu and Sibu would attend cockfighting in Lachau/Sri Aman. Travel, shifting venues and contacts working across locations can be network leads. “Every city has a subsidiary reporting to Kulai” is a conclusion the material does not supply.

The channel's expansion narrative also involves 77.

July 2024 posts claim 265 first approaches 77 as brothers, gets close, learns about them and gradually absorbs members. In August and September, the channel urges 77 and 3LINE to oppose 265 together. A year-end post alleges pressure on 36 and 77 banquets and names Ben, Liu and Pang.

From approach to absorption to alleged banquet pressure: that is the channel's narrative. A call for cooperation does not mean the recipients responded. Alleged recruitment is not a completed-merger announcement. Keep 77, 3LINE and 36 separate; making the story bigger is no reason to count them all as 265.

From Johor to Sarawak, several kinds of connection are therefore visible. Public club links appear through accounts, branches, officers and clubhouses. The channel's alleged network is drawn through managers, PR, cross-city activities and core names.

Place names show reach; roles show divisions of work. Who has the final say, and who can order whom, still lacks a continuous record.

A territory can fill a map at a glance. A chain of command cannot be filled in with one stroke.